Adventures in populist discourse: Could a solution to penal populism in New Zealand be hiding in plain sight?

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Słowa kluczowe

decarceration
penal populism
penal moderation
politics of incarceration
New Zealand politics
dekarceracja
populizm penalny
powściągliwość w karaniu
polityka inkarceracji
polityka Nowej Zelandii

Jak cytować

Oldfield, L., & Mills, A. . (2022). Adventures in populist discourse: Could a solution to penal populism in New Zealand be hiding in plain sight? Przygody w populistycznym dyskursie: czy rozwiązanie problemu populizmu penalnego w Nowej Zelandii może być ukryte na widoku?. Archiwum Kryminologii, (XLIV/1), 253–282. https://doi.org/10.7420/AK2021.30

Abstrakt

Contemporary discussions on the role of populism in criminal justice reform have centred around its potential for more punitive outcomes i.e., longer sentences, less hospitable prison conditions and a lack of meaningful support for integration back into the community. Reflecting on this legislative trend, Julian V. Roberts et al. (2002) opined that a change of posture might be required by proponents of penal reform, going on the offensive and pointing to the negative actions taken by politicians in the name of penal populism. This paper asks whether politicians advocating for less punitive criminal justice reforms in New Zealand could themselves draw from a more populist style of politics. We hypothesise that research participant support for a free-market populist-style argument on decarceration will be higher than for a status quo-style argument. This is examined through a quantitative approach involving the development of an experimental tool that distils the theoretical conceptualisations of populism and tests them on the New Zealand voting-age public. We find through sub-group analysis that a statistically significant number of participants who self-identified as “right” on the political spectrum or voted for either the National party (a major centre-right political party) or the New Zealand First party (a minor conservative political party) in the 2017 New Zealand general election were more inclined to support arguments for less punitive sentences when pitched using a populist-style argument.

 

Współczesne dyskusje na temat roli populizmu penalnego w reformie wymiaru sprawiedliwości w sprawach karnych koncentrują się wokół jego wpływu na represyjność kary: dłuższych wyroków, gorszych warunków odbywania kary pozbawienia wolności oraz braku istotnego wsparcia dla integracji ze społeczeństwem po wyjściu z więzienia. Zastanawiając się nad tym trendem legislacyjnym Roberts i in. (2002) uważali, że potrzebna jest zmiana postaw zwolenników reformy prawa karnego, przechodzących w ofensywę i wykazujących negatywne skutki działań polityków prowadzonych pod egidą populizmu penalnego. W artykule postawiono pytanie, czy politycy opowiadający się za mniej represyjnymi reformami wymiaru sprawiedliwości w sprawach karnych w Nowej Zelandii sami mogliby czerpać z bardziej populistycznego stylu polityki. Autorzy artykułu założyli, że w przeprowadzonym badaniu jego uczestnicy chętniej opowiedzą się za wolnorynkową populistyczną koncepcją dekarceracji aniżeli za zachowaniem obecnego stylu prezentacji argumentów. Analizy w tym zakresie zostały przeprowadzone przy wykorzystaniu podejścia ilościowego. Autorzy opracowali narzędzie eksperymentalne, którym przetestowali na próbie Nowozelandczyków w wieku wyborczym wybrane teoretyczne konceptualizacje populizmu. Dzięki analizie podgrup stwierdzono, że statystycznie istotna liczba uczestników, którzy określili się w spektrum politycznym jako „prawicowi” lub głosowali na Partię Narodową (główna centroprawicowa partia polityczna) lub Pierwszą partię Nowej Zelandii (niewielka konserwatywna partia polityczna) w wyborach powszechnych w Nowej Zelandii w 2017 r. byli bardziej skłonni do popierania argumentów za mniej represyjnymi wyrokami, gdy używali argumentów przedstawianych w stylu populistycznym.

https://doi.org/10.7420/AK2021.30
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